Dan O'Huiginn

STRATEGIES OF LEGITIMATION IN BUDDHISTTANTRIC BUDDHISM TANTRISM

BA Dissertation,
Faculty of Oriental Studies,
Cambridge University

May 2005


 

Contents

Contents. 2

INTRODUCTION.. 3

A summary of existing research.. 4

Reconciling practice and doctrine. 8

Statements about non-Tantric Buddhism... 12

Schools of Buddhism... 13

Doctrines. 14

ESTABLISHING CANONICITY.. 18

Multiple paths. 19

quotations of texts. 21

Canonicity and non-Buddhist religions. 22

Efficacy.. 25

Speed, ease and magic.. 25

Buddhism underpinning efficacy.. 26

Reversals.. 29

Snellgrove: reversals. 30

Eliade: coincidentia oppositorum... 31

Nāgārjuna: satyadvaya.. 34

An example. 35

Symbolism... 37

Devices. 39

Numerology. 39

Nirvacana analysis. 40

Jargon. 41

Locations for symbolism... 44

Mantras. 44

Maõķalas. 46

Rituals. 49

Commentaries. 51

Conclusion.. 53

BIBLIOGRAPHY.. 54

 


 

INTRODUCTION

BuddhistBuddhist Tantrism[1] draws its theology mostly from non-Tantric Buddhism, and its practices from broader Tantric activity. This has led to conflicts: Tantric practices contravened the injunctions of the PaliPāli canon and of Mahāyāna tradition. Here, I outline some of the strategies which the authors of BuddhistBuddhist TantraTantras used to overcome this divergence, and more widely to justify Tantric practices.

 

The size of the Tantric literature makes an exhaustive study impossible. Most of the examples here are taken from the HevajraHevajra tantraTantra, the Guhyasamāaja tantraTantra, the vajrabhairavaVajrabhairava tantraTantra and the MVTMahāvairocanābhisaübodhi Tantra, and their commentaries as appropriate. A thorough study of this limited corpus has enabled me to assess the relative importance of the various strategies of legitimation, and how the portfolio of strategies varies according to time, school, and situation. I have also included examples from other Tantric texts, taken either from the secondary literature, or from non-exhaustive readings of the texts themselves. These sources illustrate a wider range of techniques, but the price is that I cannot assess the importance of each technique.

I ask what these strategies of legitimation can tell us about Tantric buddism and its environment. -audience, aims, knowledge of Buddhist corpus. I also consider the relations of my analysis with a wider literature discussing the intellectual history of religion: how do Vajrayāna strategies of legitimation differ from those used in other religions, and what do these differences tell us about the nature and context of Tantric Buddhism? I conclude with a summary of my findings, and an exploration of their implications for future research.

[outline order of the essay. Glossary for terms]

 

A summary of existing research

Some work on syncretism  and conflict in Indian religions is relevant to the topic at handTantric.  

There has been considerable examination of the historical development of Indian religion, and of borrowings between traditions. Some of these have a bearing on the history of tantrismTantrism, such as the work of Jean Przyluski [1950] on the development of goddess cults under the influence of local and pre-Aryan religion, and the work of  Bolle [1971:22-38]  on the influence of pre-Aryan culture on various later traditions[2],  and notes[1971:27-34]  on the persistence within several traditions of 'yakųas'[3],Tantric. However, even when these studies have a bearing on the history of tantrismTantrism, they rarely give much attention to the techniques used to legitimise it.

 

. However, Bethia Beadman [2003] has recently analysed strategies of conflict resolution in Indian religions. She finds three methods by which conflicts are resolved: individualism, internalisation, and a dissolution of duality. Of these, the dissolution of duality is the most prevalent in Vajrayāna texts, and will be discussed as part of the strategy of reversal. Her other two concepts are, in Tantric Buddhism, mostly approached by means of symbolism. They are quite commonly used tactics in commentaries which are embarrassed by the transgressive rituals of their root text, and so find an internalised meaning for them.

I also make some use of the work of   Mircea Eliade [1985; see also Phillips, 1986]. Eliade is concerned with the comparative study of religion worldwide. However, much of his work concerns India, and his theories are intended to be universally applicable. In particular, I adopt his idea of the 'coincidentia oppositorum', an mystical experience arising from awareness of the unity of contradictory ideas. This provides a partial explanation for those texts which highlight their contradictions with orthodoxy, rather than trying to explain them away. David McMahon [1998] has also written on strategies of legitimation in Mahāyāna Buddhism. However, he is mostly concerned with the transition from oral to written texts, a shift which was less important to Tantric Buddhism, since it had already taken place[4].

 

Studies of tantrismTantrism itself have suffered from major impediments. Many key texts were not readily available, let alone edited or translated. Moreover those which have been available are frequently cryptic, since they assume that a guru will be available to elucidate the text. More seriously, some practices have disagreed with the sensibilities of more conservative scholars. So, B. Faddegon considered that 'we may regard this ÷aktism as an epidemic and social neurosis; as such it is not without significance for neurology' [quoted in Bolle, 1977: 3]. EJ Thomas was similarly nervous about the sexual content: 'It [tantrismTantrism] consists in giving a religious significance to the facts of sex. Such a development, at least in a certain stage of society, is not necessarily immoral. Its discussion, however, belongs to medical psychology' [quoted in Bolle, 1977: 3]. The result was a lack of attention given to Tantric studies.

The literature frequently considers two intertwined questions which have a bearing on strategies of legitimation, namely the origin of Tantric Buddhism, and the extent to which it diverges from other forms of Buddhism.

As for origin, D RueggsRuegg [1964] has considered the ways in which Buddhism was influenced by 'le substrat religieux' (sp?), a basis of common, pre-existing practices which also influenced Hinduism. The twoBoth are: 'religions qui ploangent leurs raciness dans le mˆme fonds commun et dont les divinites peuvent par consequent avoir des noms et des nombreux traits communs' [1964:84]. He notes that incorporation of alien gods was already taking place in the PaliPāli Canon, where the lLalitavistara and the Ddivyāvadana incorporate non-BuddhistBuddhist deities. He goes on to analyse the Mma¤ju÷rãmålakalpa and the Kkāraõķanjåha (sp?,), and considers the significance of Tantric iconography which shows trampled Hindu gods.

Poussin (1898:174-5) considers that BuddhistBuddhist tantrismTantrism was tantrismTantrism first, and then became Buddhism. Snellgrove [1987:117] concurs, writing that 'the conversion of Tantric rituals to orthodox BuddhistBuddhist use', was 'dependent on other Indian religious movements'.

 

This issue of origin is connected with legitimation strategies insofar as it affects the audience. If Tantrism came first, we would expect to see more effort devoted to justifying the incorporation of BuddhistBuddhist ideas within tantrismTantrism. Conversely, if Buddhism came first, we would expect an attempt to justify Tantric practices to a BuddhistBuddhist audience. In practice, it may be hard to distinguish these two aims in a text. A clear example of the latter would be the Ssona÷ri commentary to the Vvajramahābhairava tantraTantra, which appears aimed at orthodox BuddhistBuddhists. As Siklos [1996:19] writes, "it is hard to avoid the conclusion that the Buddhicising of the texts is as much a priority as its exegesis". The same tendency to make orthodox appears in other commentaries. The root texts tend to be more ambiguous, but show more concern about justifying Buddhism to Ttantrists than they do about justifying tantrismTantrism to BuddhistBuddhists. This is, then, weak evidence in support of the idea that BuddhistBuddhist ideas were added to an existing Tantric framework, and that the resulting BuddhistBuddhist tantraTantras were made less disturbing to orthodox BuddhistBuddhists by commentators. [todo: should this go in the conclusion?]

Turning to the question of which aspects of tantrismTantrism can be considered BuddhistBuddhist, several scholars have attempted to draw a line between doctrine which is BuddhistBuddhist and practice which is not. Bolle [1971:39] argues that tantrismTantrism should be thought of as a religious movement in history, rather than as a doctrinal system - that is, not as a religion, but as an approach to religion. Alexis Sanderson makes a similar distinction, although he considers the specifically BuddhistBuddhist element to be not doctrine as a whole, but, more narrowly, soteriology and cosmology. By this more precise definition, Sanderson allows for the contradiction between orthodox and Tantric Buddhism in terms of ethics. He writes:Doctrines of ethics, needless to say, were completely overturned in Tantric Buddhism.

'My view is that everything concrete in this system is non-BuddhistBuddhist in origin, that everything abstract is of BuddhistBuddhist origin, and that the whole is so constructed and encoded that is [sic] nonetheless entirely BuddhistBuddhist in its function, even though the scope of what Buddhism can be expected to achieve for an individual haahs been extended in certain respects' [Sanderson, 1994:7]

"[Tantrism is] distinguishable from the rest of Buddhism principally by its ritual character, only secondarily by soteriological doctrine, and hardly at all by specific theories of ultimate reality". [Sanderson, 1994:2]

Reconciling practice and doctrine

This analysis is broadly supported by the texts I have examined. However, it is not a complete explanation.  The fact that aspects of early Buddhism have been incorporated into Vajrayāna does not necessarily show their similarity. In many cases it shows the opposite - the incorporation of elements of a rival school is a way of showing its inferiority. Moreover, dDoctrine and practice are not two separate spheres. Tantric rituals may involve sexual intercourse, the consumption or sacrifice of human flesh, animal flesh [e.g.  VMT:29], and urine, or murder, in direct contravention of the doctrines laid out in the pāliPāli canon. Conversely, practice is justified by its doctrinal content. Many rituals are intricate blends of BuddhistBuddhist ideas and images, with an aim such as perceiving the self as a Buddha.

Crucially, Tantric practices are often in direct contravention of earlier BuddhistBuddhist doctrine. Consider how a Hhãnayāana BuddhistBuddhist would react to the practices required by the YRMYogaratnamāla:

Food and drink should be had as it comes and not be rejected by thinking in terms of what is acceptable and what is prohibited. One should not perform the rituals of bathing and cleansing or avoid vulgar behaviour....He should eat all kinds of meat....He enjoys all kinds of women having a mind free of all trepidation....He must eat the Five Nectars [5], drink liquor made from molasses, eat the poisonous Neem and drink the placental fluids. He must eat foods which are sour, sweet, bitter, hot, salty, astringent, rotten, fresh and bloody liquids along with semen. By means of the awareness of non-dual knowledge there exists nothing inedible. Obtaining menstrual blood he must place it in a skull-cup and mixing it with phlegm and mucus, the holder of the Vow must drink it.[6] [FwM[Farrow/Menon, 1992:197-9[7]]

This is not an unusual passage - any number of similar paragraphs could be extracted from the BuddhistBuddhist tantraTantras, enjoining murder, lying, transgressive sexual intercourse, and any number of equally controversial activities. I do not intend to debate the extent of the contradiction between Tantric and non-Tantric Buddhism. I take it for granted both that mantrayānaMantrayāna is in some way BuddhistBuddhist, and that it in some way conflicts with non-Tantric Buddhism. My concern is with how mantrayānaMantrayāna texts and practices negotiate that divide, and justify their status within the BuddhistBuddhist religion.

The tantraTantras themselves, and in particular their commentaries, recognise and attempt to overcome this conflict with orthodoxy. As an example, consider this worried statement in the YRMYogaratnamāla:

What is the reason for uncertainties? They are uncertainties because the songs and dance are considered as unrefined and prohibited [in orthodox BuddhistBuddhist traditions] [FwM[Farrow/Menon, 1992: 205]

[FwM:208]

I consider five main ways in which BuddhistBuddhist tantraTantras justify their BuddhistBuddhist status. The first is an explicit approach, of loudly mentioning BuddhistBuddhist schools, BuddhistBuddhist doctrines, and BuddhistBuddhist practices, and stating the superiority of Buddhism over other religion. Then there is the attempt to find a place for the Tantric text within the BuddhistBuddhist canon, and among the other schools. I do not consider here the history of the creation of the canon, just the textual strategies used to demand a place within the canonit. A third tactic is to sidestep the question of orthodoxy, and simply to claim greater efficacy in the ease and speed of liberation offered, and in the granting of magical powers. Even here, appeals to BuddhistBuddhist ethics and soteriology often lie in the background, as explanations for the great efficacy of Tantric religion. The fourth approach is, counter-intuitively, to emphasise the differences by directly contradicting the teachings of orthodox Buddhism. I draw on three sources to explain this paradoxical tactic. I adopt from David Snellgrove the term 'Reversal', and an explanation based around the history of doctrinal development. From Mircea Eliade I develop an explanation in terms of the mystical experience of the 'coincidentia oppositorum', the reconciliation of paradoxical ideas. And from NāgārjunaNāgārjuna I take the idea of the satyadvaya, the two levels of truth (the only aspect of this triad which would have been familiar to practitioners of Vajrayāna). Using these three explanations of reversals, I show that a text involving reversals legitimises itself in three ways. The fifth, and probably the most intricate, approach is that of symbolism. Under this heading I consider the techniques used to create texts which allow multiple simultaneous interpretations, and suggest meanings on many levels through numerology, etymology, and the use of code languages. These patterns of symbolism can be found not only in texts, but also in mantras, mandalamaõķalas, rituals, and visualisation techniques, and have different features in each case.


 

......

[todo: what exactly is a 'strategy of legitimation'?]

Statements about non-Tantric Buddhism

 

The easiest way to demonstrate that you are BuddhistBuddhist is to talk about Buddhism. For the disciple, a  reference to Buddhism is an education in the theology doctrine which underlies Tantric ritual. To the orthodox BuddhistBuddhist, it is a comforting confirmation of the underpinnings of ritual in orthodox theology. Thus any mention of Buddhism serves a function of legitimation, almost regardless of the actual content. This is one aspect of all the allusions to Buddhism in the pages that follow, and I will not comment on it in every instance. A more thorough approach might involve building a concordance of references, and analysing the frequency with which particular terms and ideas are used. Such an exercise would fall well beyond the scope of this dissertation.

Discussions of Buddhist theology form one subset of these references to Buddhism.

As a result, the tantras frequently mention schools, doctrines and personalities of orthodox Buddhism. In one sense, at least, the legitimation is achieved simply by mentioning things that are recognisably Buddhist. Thus a simple concordance of references might be the best way to understand this aspect of legitimation strategies. Unfortunately such a listing would not be possible here, given the limitations of time and space.

 

 Instead, I will simply give a few examples, and analyse some of their secondary didactic functions. One such function is education - mentioning other schools helps to elucidate the history of the religion. Another function is to highlight the similarities between Tantric and non-Tantric practice, or the place of Tantric Buddhism within the Tantric world.

 

 

Schools of Buddhism

BuddhistOf the Buddhist schools and individuals mentioned in Tantric literature, schools, and occasionally individual figures, are mentioned in the tantras. Mahāyāna is easily the most prominent form of Buddhism to be mentioned,. Others are not neglected, but they are given less prominence and praised less vigorously although others are not neglected. The hevajraHevajra tantraTantra contains a fascinating reference to the schools of Buddhism [FwM[Farrow/Menon, 1992:225]

The sthāvarã school is located in the centre of creation, for the act of creation is constant and age-old. The sarvāstivāda school is the centre of essential nature, for its viewpoints originate from the doctrine regarding the nature of things. The saüvidã school is in the centre of enjoyment, for the sensation of enjoyment is in the throat. The mahāsaīghã school is in the centre of great bliss, for great bliss is in the head [FwM[Farrow/Menon, 1992:225]